Micheál Martin is often praised for his calm and composed leadership, but his record on abortion tells a very different story.  In an article in last week’s  The Irish Catholic, Eilís Mulroy examines how Martin’s political decisions—especially around the 2018 referendum and the current abortion law—contrast sharply with the public image he projects.

Few would dispute Micheál Martin’s mastery of the bedside manner or his ability to project calm authority as leader of the country.

Whether navigating meetings at the White House with President Trump or managing the daily challenges of politics at home, his instinctive grasp of political craft has served him well during his 15 years at the helm of Fianna Fáil.

As voters, we tend to prioritise style over substance, judging politicians by how they present themselves rather than what they actually do. In the Taoiseach’s case, nowhere is this contrast clearer than in his approach to abortion.

Recently in the Dáil, Martin gave assurances to Social Democrats leader Holly Cairns during Leaders Questions that he would take another look at the recommendations of the Three Year Review of the abortion law.

In her exchange with the Taoiseach, the Soc Dem leader misled the Dáil by suggesting that 240 Irish women travel to England each year for abortions after their babies are diagnosed with a life-limiting condition. The factual record shows that approximately eight Irish abortions occurred in England over a five-year period involving babies with these conditions, not hundreds in one year as Cairns portrayed.

Cairns of course wants the law changed to widen the grounds for late-term abortions, and the Taoiseach by his response has given momentum to her wish.

Disquieting

It’s disquieting the speed with which he moves to appease pro-abortion voices, while serious concerns raised about, say, the massive rise in abortions in Ireland are met with total indifference from him.

Before the 2018 abortion referendum, as leader of the opposition, he adopted the politically expedient position of backing the Fine Gael-led government’s proposal to dismantle the Eighth Amendment and remove constitutional protection for the unborn child.

Before reaching his decision, Martin was aware that the Oireachtas Committee on abortion, which he referenced to justify his stance, spent no time considering really important issues, including: the scientific evidence of when human life begins; peer reviewed research highlighting negative after-effects of abortion on women; Ireland’s record prior to repeal as a world leader in safety for pregnant women.

As opposition leader, he could have chosen a different course to ensure balance and democratic accountability in the debate, and to protect voters from misleading information from those in power and the media in the run-up to the referendum.

He turned his back on grassroots and parliamentary colleagues to instead win favour with the media and unrepresentative bodies like the National Women’s Council”

Instead, from early on, he supported the wording that became law and that defines abortion as “a procedure intended to end the life” of an unborn baby. Despite all the talk from Martin and others at the time that the motivation was to safeguard women’s health, the abortion law as it stands has nothing to do with genuine healthcare and everything to do with facilitating the taking of innocent human life.

As Fianna Fáil leader in 2018, Martin not only had the option of adopting a different approach; he had a responsibility to do so. Fianna Fáil members voted overwhelmingly at the party’s 2017 Ard Fheis to maintain a pro-life party policy. The vast majority of the Fianna Fáil Parliamentary Party backed the same position. Exit polls on the day of the referendum also revealed that a majority of Fianna Fáil voters nationwide voted No.

Martin was aware of the strength of feeling within the party on the issue prior to the referendum, yet he turned his back on grassroots and parliamentary colleagues to instead win favour with the media and unrepresentative bodies like the National Women’s Council.

Benefited

While he may have benefited politically from embracing abortion, the same cannot be said for his party. Votes that Fianna Fáil once had securely are now switching to Aontú, Independent Ireland and Independents due to the feeling of betrayal among pro-life voters.

Pro-life supporters still appreciate the Fianna Fáil Oireachtas members who vote pro-life but the damage Martin has done to the party’s image across the country is hard to overstate.

While his stance during the referendum was appalling, in many ways his approach since then is even more revealing.

We know that the freedom of conscience rights of young doctors who do not wish to facilitate abortions are not being respected”

Since the new law took effect, the annual number of abortions has risen from 2,879 in 2018 to 10,852 for the last recorded 12-month period. The government currently has no policy aimed at reducing abortion numbers.

We know from Parliamentary Questions that over 100 babies have been born alive after “failed abortions” under the new law, with no indication they were given any life sustaining treatment.

We know too from multiple court cases that women are being coerced into taking abortion pills by abusive partners. And we know that the freedom of conscience rights of young doctors who do not wish to facilitate abortions are not being respected.

Deafening

The Taoiseach’s response to all this has been a deafening silence. Yet he is very forthcoming when asked about expanding access to abortion. You’d like to think he might reconsider his approach to the issue, but nothing currently supports that hope.

Micheál Martin’s bedside manner may have served him well politically but the same cannot be said for an incalculable number of unborn babies and their mothers